美国经典英文演讲100篇

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美国经典英文演讲100篇，附mp3和英文演讲稿！

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address2013-04-04

Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Brandenburg Gate Address2013-04-03

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Message To The Grass Roots2013-04-03

So we are all black people, so-called Negroes, second-class

citizens, ex-slaves. You are nothing but a [sic] ex-slave. You don't like to be told that. But what else are you? You are ex-slaves. 美国经典英文演讲100篇：Address on Taking the Oath of Office2013-04-02

The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：A Crisis of Confidence2013-04-02

This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election2013-04-01

Tonight I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. No other question so preoccupies our people. No other dream so absorbs the 250 million human beings who live in that part of the world. No other goal motivates American policy in Southeast Asia.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Statement to the Senate Judiciary...2013-04-01

My name is Anita F. Hill, and I am a professor of law at the

University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma, in 1956. I am the youngest of 13 children. I had my early

education in Okmulgee County. My father, Albert Hill, is a farmer in that area. My mother's name is Irma Hill. She is also a farmer and a housewife.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Television and the Public Interest2013-03-31

Governor Collins, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Governor Collins you're much too kind, as all of you have been to me the last few days. It's been a great pleasure and an honor for me to meet so many of you. And I want to thank you for this

opportunity to meet with you today.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy2013-03-31

On behalf of Mrs. Kennedy, her children, the parents and sisters of Robert Kennedy, I want to express what we feel to those who mourn with us today in this Cathedral and around the world.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Black Power2013-03-30

Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Chappaquiddick2013-03-30

On the weekend of July 18, I was on Martha's Vineyard Island

participating with my nephew, Joe Kennedy -- as for thirty years my family has participated -- in the annual Edgartown Sailing Regatta. Only reasons of health prevented my wife from accompanying me.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Religious Belief and Public Morality2013-03-29

The Catholic Churchs actions with respect to the interplay of religious values and public policy make clear that there is no inflexible moral principle which determines what our political conduct should be.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Presidential Nomination Acceptance..2013-03-29

I have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it, because I aspired to another office, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gift of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize.

《美国经典英文演讲100篇》音频打包下载2013-03-28

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Vice-Presidential Nomination...2013-03-28

My heart is filled with pride. My fellow citizens, I proudly accept your nomination for Vice President of the United States.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：The Marshall Plan2013-03-28

I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me.

I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：The Great Society2013-03-27

I have come today from the turmoil of your capital to the tranquility of your campus to speak about the future of your country. The purpose of protecting the life of our Nation and preserving the liberty of our citizens is to pursue the happiness of our people. Our success in that pursuit is the test of our success as a Nation. 美国经典英文演讲100篇：1988 DNC Address(下)2013-03-26

How do I document that case? Seven years later, the richest 1 percent of our society pays 20 percent less in taxes. The poorest 10 percent pay 20 percent more: Reaganomics.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：1988 DNC Address(上)2013-03-26

Tonight, we pause and give praise and honor to God for being good enough to allow us to be at this place at this time. When I look out at this convention, I see the face of America: Red, Yellow, Brown, Black and White. We are all precious in God's sight -- the real rainbow coalition.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：A Whisper of AIDS2013-03-25

Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause. 美国经典英文演讲100篇：Television News Coverage2013-03-25

When the President completed his address -- an address,

incidentally, that he spent weeks in the preparation of -- his words and policies were subjected to instant analysis and querulous criticism.

美国经典英文演讲100篇：Civil Rights Address2013-03-24

Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. 美国经典英文演讲100篇：Cuban Missile Crisis Address to the Nation2013-03-24

Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 A.M., I directed that our

surveillance be stepped up. And having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.

Address2013-03-23

Thank you very, very much, President Keohane. Mrs. Gorbachev, Trustees, faculty, parents, and I should say, Julia Porter, class president, and certainly my new best friend, Christine Bicknell -- and, of course, the Class of 1990. I am really thrilled to be here today, and very excited, as I know all of you must be, that Mrs. Gorbachev could join us.

篇二：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power

美国经典英文演讲100篇:"Black Power"

Stokely Carmichael

Black Power

delivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]

Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our

appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back.

We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, "All criticism is a[n] autobiography." Dig yourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with

Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught and

incarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.

On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.

In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You stand

condemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they're built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.

Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that

integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some negroes have been walking down a dream street

talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.

Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this

country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.

Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn't know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, "He’s a human being; don’t stop him." That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.

I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, "When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him." That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.

So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn't because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating

Committee; it's not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.

And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemn

the country for what it's done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.

Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.

Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.

And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call "modern-day Peace Corps missionaries," and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, 'cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: 'cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.

And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, 'cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.

Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word "Black Power" -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That's white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.

Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one was

automatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we're apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, not

because we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.

And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: "You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us." And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there's going to be any integration, it's going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.

So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man's ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it's a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.

篇三：美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)

这一百篇口语练完了交流还能有问题? 易建联练了70几篇现在已经随意自如..___黄晓明___你赶紧来练练！！

·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）

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? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority 篇:Farewell Address 篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address 篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment

? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech 篇:The Ballot or the Bullet 篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address 篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest 篇:Presidential Nomination ... 篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality 篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address

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